Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
1997, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
This collection of essays speaks to some of the most critical questions of the twentieth century.
2012
In 2008 the 40th anniversary of that iconic year, 1968, was celebrated in the media in relation to student uprisings and cultural revolts, largely neglecting the very significant movements of workers and peasants who were challenging power structures around the world at that time. This omission reflects the failures of socialism in the twentieth century, which are explored in this essay. Beginning from a more complete picture of 1968, the essay examines the history of socialism, identifying the main sources of failure in its theory and practice, in particular that of the revolutionary left. If the failure lies in the elite character of socialist politics and its focus on distribution rather than production, it is to be remedied by a firm focus on the politics of the workplace and the goal of substantive equality. The concluding section reviews the prospects for such an alternative in the current circumstances of global crisis.
NOVA SCIENCE, 2018
This easy to read book explores the fundamental ideas of socialism as a prelude to its critical reappraisal of their implementation in the Soviet revolutionary experiment. The book then turns to the seismic economic changes of the neoliberal era which it claims now preclude both national social democratic and Soviet-style paths to socialism. Rather, it is argued, if socialism is to become a force for change in the 21st century, wholly new economic and environmental considerations compel it to adopt a fresh orientation around current designs of democratic ecosocialism. Yet, the herculean challenges this poses tend not to be fully apprehended even among socialist proponents. Table of Contents: Preface Chapter 1. Introduction Chapter 2. From Socialism as Idea to Twentieth Century Experiment Chapter 3. Socialist Failure and Rethinking Chapter 4. Socialists Confront a Changed World Chapter 5. Ecosocialism and New Democratic Designs Chapter 6. We are All Socialists Now Chapter 7. Conclusion
Review of Radical Political Economics, 2006
To meet today's challenges, including successful mobilization around people's most immediate needs, a rigorous and inspiring vision of a new society-socialism-is more necessary than ever. Without creating rigid or utopian schemes, we can affirm and develop some of the most essential elements in that vision: progressive transcendence of the alienating and polarizing content of spontaneous markets; democratic coordination and planning, at all levels from central to decentral; and creative engagement with the vast potentials of modern information technology. This project must also recover and embrace all of the lessons, both positive and negative, of the twentieth-century postcapitalist experience, especially that of the USSR.
2010
rosa luxemburg Foundation 1 This text is based on a lecture I gave on June 26, 2010 at a conference organized by wissentransfer [«knowledge-transfer»] and the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung in Berlin on the same theme. 2 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights-approved and proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10, 1948-is completely appropriate for illustrating this thesis; for it documents after the Second World War-after the «Age of Catastrophes»-a global consensus on a model of cohabitation of people characterized by the peaceful resolution of conflicts, war against poverty, the individual's rights to freedom, democratic constitutions and education. Alongside the classic human rights (which go back to the declarations of human rights in the American and French revolutions at the end of the 18th century), we find here, next to the right to property, social basic rights, for example in Article 22, the right to social security, or in Article 23, paragraph 1: Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment. Finally, Article 25, paragraph 1: «Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.» This Declaration points up two things: 1) the rights of freedom and social basic rights constitute a unity; 2) The rights that define «a good commonwealth» (almost on a world scale) are-in contrast to the utopias of early modernity-not understood as a far-off ideal, but as an objective possibility, as necessary and realizable goals. Finally, these rights are to be universally valid; they therefore form the legitimate standard for the criticism of social and political conditions that fall below its standard or violate it. 3 Ralph Miliband, Marxist political scientist and socialist on the left wing of the British Labour Party, founder of the Socialist Register now edited by Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, conceded in his last book (Socialism for a Sceptical Age, 1994), that «the model of the Bolshevik Revolution was decisive for all 20 th-century revolutions.» With this revolution, there was the coalescence in the whole world of the hope of ending the suffering of the oppressed. «From Paris to Calcutta, from New York to Johannesburg, people who numbered among the most committed, militant and selfless activists of the left, cultivated their strength; and they subscribed unreservedly to Stalin's thesis, already formulated by him in 1927, that ‹a revolutionary is one who is ready to protect the USSR and defend it-without hesitation …, openly and honestly; for the USSR is the basis of the revolutionary movement in the world, and this revolutionary movement can only be defended and brought forward if the USSR is defended›,» (Miliband 1994: 43-44). 4 The November 2008 election of Barack Obama as President of the United States was hailed by many as the reaction to the failure of the «new right» around George W. Bush as well as a reaction to the financial-market crisis and thus as a left turn; since then such hopes have given way to more sober assessments especially as regards Obama's foreign policy. In 2010 we can still not conclusively tell if his program of war on poverty domestically and for control of the financial markets will have even partial results (see, among others, Solty 2009). In any case, the opposition to Obama has shifted radically to the right (Tea Party movement). The success of Die LINKE in Germany is absolutely exceptional in comparison to electoral results in other European countries
The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 2003
The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.
This paper argues that the events in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union force us to conduct a deep re-examination of the fundamental categories of Marxian theory to see whether in fact they stand the test of reality. It attempts to itemize preconditions for any such socialism or communism and isolate the conditions which, in the author's opinion, cannot be fulfilled. Based on that reexamination it argues that the classical Marxian vision of socialism or communism is no longer viable. Having made that critique, it considers alternatives to capitalism and argues that for the foreseeable future there is no viable alternative to the global market economy, although there are some very important and meaningful choices to be made for any society as it integrates into the global economy.
Socialism and Democracy, 2010
200 years of socialism, revisiting the old dilemmas, 2023
GRIP ANNUAL LECTURE 2023 200 Years of Socialism: Revisiting the Old Dilemmas Marcel van der Linden reviews strategic dilemmas and choices of socialist and labour movements from the 1820s to the 2020s. ================================= Comments on 200 years of socialism, revisiting the old dilemmas* by John Barzman =============== Marcel van der Linden reviews strategic dilemmas and choices of socialist and labour movements from the 1820s to the 2020s. ================================= Comments on 200 years of socialism, revisiting the old dilemmas* by John Barzman My initial intention was to focus on a few instances in the history of social movements during which activists discussed the broad organizational form that could bring together the « three pillars » of the socialist and labor movement :
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017
Marxists have viewed the task of socialism as the elimination of exploitation, defined in the Marxian manner in terms the excess of labor expended over of labor commanded. I argue that the concept of Marxian exploitation commits both type-one (false positives) and type-two (false negatives) errors as a diagnosis of distributive injustice: it misses instances of distributive injustice because they do not involve exploitation, and it calls some economic relations characterized by exploitation unjust when they are not. The most important reformulators of Marx's concept of socialism, which implicitly or explicitly attempt to correct the Marxian errors, are Oscar Lange,
Critical Review, 2005
In his recent article, "Is Socialism Really 'Impossible'?," Bryan Caplan questions the long-standing Austrian claim that socialism is impossible. Although Caplan is to be commended for engaging the arguments of Austrians such as Mises and Boettke, we contend that his arguments miss the mark. Caplan fundamentally misunderstands the Austrian proposition concerning socialism's impracticability and fails to appreciate the traditional argument made by socialists that Mises was addressing. For reasons we reveal below, Caplan's argument constitutes the triumph of cleverness over correctness, rather than the damning critique of the Austrian position he believes he has provided. What Socialism Means To put these issues into perspective we need to make a brief excursion into the state of the debate over socialism at the time Mises offered his impossibility claim. We agree with Caplan that socialism is characterized by state ownership of the means of production. This is necessary but not sufficient, however, to describe the economic system advocated by Marx and others, and opposed by Mises. In addition to describing a particular set of means (collective ownership), socialism is also defined by a particular set of ends. The ultimate end of socialism was the "end of history," in which perfect social harmony would permanently be established. Social harmony was to be achieved by the
Monthly Review, 2020
Any serious treatment of the renewal of socialism today must begin with capitalism's creative destruction of the bases of all social existence. Since the late 1980s, the world has been engulfed in an epoch of catastrophe capitalism, manifested today in the convergence of (1) the planetary ecological crisis, (2) the global epidemiological crisis, and (3) the unending world economic crisis. Added to this are the main features of today's "empire of chaos," including the extreme system of imperialist exploitation unleashed by global commodity chains; the demise of the relatively stable liberal-democratic state with the rise of neoliberalism and neofascism; and the emergence of a new age of global hegemonic instability accompanied by increased dangers of unlimited war.
2021
Andrei Znamenski argues that socialism arose out of activities of secularized apocalyptic sects, the Enlightenment tradition, and dislocations produced by the Industrial Revolution. He examines how, by the 1850s, Marx and Engels made the socialist creed “scientific” by linking it to “history laws” and inventing the proletariat—the “chosen people” that were to redeem the world from oppression. Focusing on the fractions between social democracy and communism, Znamenski explores why, historically, socialism became associated with social engineering and centralized planning. He explains the rise of the New Left in the 1960s and its role in fostering the cultural left that came to privilege race and identity over class. Exploring the global retreat of the left in the 1980s–1990s and the “great neoliberalism scare,” Znamenski also analyzes the subsequent renaissance of socialism in wake of the 2007–2008 crisis
Economic and Political Weekly, 2019
Review of Socialism and Commodity Production: Essay in Marx Revival by Paresh Chattopadhyay, Leiden, and Boston: Brill, 2018; pp xiii + 300, `8,175 (hardcover).
Monthly Review, 1989
Is it advisable for one who is not an expert on economic and social issues to express views on the subject of socialism? I believe for a number of reasons that it is. Let us first consider the question from the point of view of scientific knowledge. It might appear that there are no essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics: scientists in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for a circumscribed group of phenomena in order to make the interconnection of these phenomena as clearly understandable as possible. But in reality such methodological differences do exist. The discovery of general laws in the field of economics is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately. In addition, the experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the socalled civilized period of human history has-as is well known-been largely influenced and limited by causes which are by no means exclusively economic in nature. For example, most of the major states of history owed their existence to conquest. The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and economically, as the privileged class of the conquered country. They seized for themselves a monopoly of the land ownership and appointed a priesthood from among their own ranks. The priests, in control of education, made the class Albert Einstein, the world-famous physicist, contributed this article to the first issue of Monthly Review, which appeared in May 1949.
Axel Honneth’s (2017) The Idea of Socialism is a timely reflection on a puzzling state of affairs: Perhaps at no time in the past several decades have so many sensed that there is something terribly wrong with global capitalism—from mounting inequalities to runaway climate change—and yet rarely has the resolve to think through workable alternatives to the global capitalist order been weaker. But the “sudden decline in utopian energy” (p. 2), or withering away of the millenarian impulse, is perhaps not so difficult to explain. As Honneth recognizes, it is incredibly hard to re-engineer vastly complex, mutually interdependent systems of political governance, economic production, and sociocultural reproduction—perhaps so difficult that the very idea of fashioning ideological blueprints for the refabricating of the world has itself grown outmoded.
© Dayan Jayatilleka Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2014 978-1-137-39546-7
Introduction Modern civilization and its progress under capitalism are now measured largely but not exclusively by stock market indicators and the wealth index of corporations and millionaires that mainstream media celebrates. All other issues are peripheral and only significant if they enhance or diminish corporate wealth. This includes the political, social, environmental issues that may either entail greater profit opportunities or instability and lower profits.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.