Religion and Politics

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Submitted as Exhibit B in response to ODC File No. 24-01883, this document outlines the founding mission of the Church of the Gardens — a faith-based organization dedicated to pursuing truth, resisting injustice, and advocating for those harmed by systems of power. Adopted in 2015, the Mission Statement affirms that law, when wielded with conscience, can be a sacred tool for restoring justice and dignity.                                                             
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This statement describes the Church’s vision for a ministry rooted in action — including legal advocacy against corruption, government abuse, and structural inequality. It frames this work not as secular litigation, but as a form of service to God and neighbor.
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Publishing this exhibit makes clear that my representation of clients through the Church was never about personal gain. It was, and remains, about answering a spiritual calling — to confront what is unjust with truth, and to do so in love, faith, and fidelity to the mission I accepted.

One of the less studied works of the secretary of the Mamluk chancery al-Qalqashandī is the Ma ʾāthir, a book on the practice of secretaries in this chancery. The Ma ʾāthir provide ample insight into the ways the Caliphate and the Caliph are framed in the bureaucratic practice of the Mamluk empire. The specific approach to the framing of the Caliphate allows for a better understanding of the role of charismatic institutions in Islamic contexts; the role of charismatic objects is reconsidered. Thus, we will be able to rethink Weber's notion of charismatic rule.

La monografia, seguendo lo schema degli altri volumi della collana, si apre presentando il profilo biografico di Coase e collocandolo nel contesto storico-culturale di riferimento; seguono tre capitoli che ricostruiscono in ordine cronologico il pensiero partendo dalle opere e dai concetti che in esso hanno trovato fioritura (l'impresa, il mercato, il diritto), seguiti da un capitolo sull'influenza della sua figura sugli autori a lui contemporanei e sui posteri. Conclude una bibliografia completa delle opere. Il lettore troverà la lettura tutt'altro che noiosa, e rimarrà sorpreso dalla capacità dell'autore di avvicinarlo (anche nel caso sia la prima volta) alla vita e alle opere di Coase, all'interno di un percorso accademico che abbraccia praticamente tutto il Novecento (Coase morirà all'età di 102 anni). Ma, a rimanere impressa nella mente del lettore sarà quella consapevolezza che ha spinto Coase ad interessarsi soprattutto al mondo reale, e non a quello puramente matematico degli economisti, che è anche ciò che, a mio avviso, lo ha reso così grande. Eppure, come in molti casi della vita, il destino beffardo (nonostante ne abbia certamente e ampiamente premiato il merito), ha voluto che Coase venisse ricordato soprattutto per il teorema che porta il suo nome, il cui successo travolgente "si deve soprattutto all'astrazione di un mondo privo di costi di transazione" (p. 120).

En el siguiente artículo se analiza la prensa de circulación nacional y revistas eclesiales, para dar cuenta del proceso que llevó a un sector específico de las iglesias evangélicas a apoyar la dictadura en Chile a partir de 1973. Asimismo, analiza la búsqueda del reconocimiento político de estos pastores, el rol que desarrollaron en torno a los procesos que dieron lugar a la Constitución de 1980 y los intentos de participar en su redacción, concluyendo con ello la existencia y legitimidad del actuar político de agentes religiosamente inspirados durante el período.

DAVID BLACKBOURN Jesus College, Cambridge LESS than a month before Bismarck's dismissal as German chancellor, the Reichstag elections of February I890 destroyed the parliamentary majority of the Kartell parties -National Liberals and Conservativeswith whose support he had governed. The number of Reichstag seats held by these parties fell from 22I to I40, out of the total of397; they never again achieved more than I69. To the multitude of problems left by Bismarck to his successors was therefore added one of parliamentary arithmetic: how was the chancellor to organize a Reichstag majority when the traditional governmental parties by themselves were no longer large enough, and the intransigently anti-governmental SPD was constantly increasing its representation? It was in this situation that the role of the Centre party in Wilhelmine politics became decisive, for between I890 and I9I4 the party possessed a quarter of the seats in the Reichstag, and thus held the balance of power between Left and Right. The impact which the Centre would have made by aligning itself with the left-wing parties -Progressives and SPDwas clearly demonstrated later: during the war, when these three parties moved firmly against the imperial government by supporting Erzberger's Peace Resolution in I9I7; and in the I920S, when the same three parties provided the backbone of Weimar democracy. Centre, Progressives and SPD together had a potential parliamentary majority at all times between I890 and I9I4. An alliance during that period might not have wrung immediate concessions from the Kaiser and his ministers; but it would have subjected the autocratic constitutional practices of the Reich to severe and permanent pressure. Such a German parallel to the 'Gladstonian Coalition' 1 of Celtic fringe, progressive middle-class and urban workers might have forced ministers from its own ranks on the Kaiser, twenty years before war eventually brought this about: it would certainly have called the hand of those in governmental circles who threatened a coup d'etat. The Centre, however, chose to join forces with the Progressives and SPD 1 Cf. A. Rosenberg, Imperial Germany, translated by I. F. D. Morrow (London, I93I), p. I8. The possibility of such a coalition was regarded as a major danger by Bismarck, and by his successors, like Hohenlohe. C. zu Hohenlohe, Denkwiirdigkeiten der Reichskanzlerzeit, ed. K. A. von Muller (Stuttgart, I93I), p. 45I f. 1955-63), II, 191-11 In the Wiirttemberg constituency III (Heilbronn), for example, Centre and Conservative Agrarians fought together against Progressives, National Liberals and SPD K. Jacob, ' Landtagswahlen und Reichstagswahlen in Wiirttemberg ', Siiddeutsche Monatshefte i (I907), 5I7 f.; G. Kittler, Azss dem dritten wvirttemnb. Reichstags-Wahlkreis. Errinnerungen und Erlebnlisse (Heilbronn, 19I0), pp. 142-3; Th.Heuss, Erinnerungen 1905-1933 (Tiibingen, I963), pp. 59-64. 12 Thus Felix Porsch, an important Prussian Centre leader, warned Kopp during the I893 crisis over the military bill that the spirit of the Kulturkampf years had declined, and that Centre men now weighed matters up very carefully, where once they had followed blindly. H. Gottwald, Zentrum uind Inmperialismnus, Diss. (Jena, I966), p. 129.

The purpose of this paper is to explore to what extent some Swedish bishops (1972-2014), mainly archbishops, were influenced by postmodernity as described by Lyotard in his report La Condition postmoderne (1979). This report had a tremendous impact on the western cultural and philosophical debate in general during the very end of the twentieth century. I am trying to find out if this impact could also be observed in the religious sphere and particularly in the Church of Sweden. My theory used, is mainly based on the ideas presented in La Condition postmoderne and my method is a hermeneutical reading of eight pastoral letters. These letters were written during the time that the Church of Sweden transformed from being an officially recognized national church to a free church among other free churches and in this respect ended to be a part of the official governmental power. The terms postmodernism or post-modernity were scarcely used at all in the pastoral letters but on the other hand the bishops seemed to share many of the ideas that Lyotard presented, such as the view on the metahistory/metanarrative and the connection of knowledge to power, the necessity of dialogue and openness and the importance and the role of creating and maintaining language games.

especially recommended +outlines and tests *+Anderson, Brian C. Democratic Capitalism and Its Discontents. Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2007. 177pp. Incisive analysis of representative figures of contemporary western political theory on both right and left, including François Furet,

Tomb of Job a. Islamic Job b. Judeo-Christian Job 2. Oswald Spengler a. Magian (ancient Mesopotamian) idea of Grace vs. Faustian (Western) idea of Contrition b. Pseudomorphosis 1) Suppression of a culture by an alien power so that it cannot develop its self-consciousness, giving rise to a hate that grows to be monstrous c. Great Awakening of Peoples [Karl Jaspers called it the Axial Age but believed it started earlier] 1) Alexander the Great laid down a thin sheet of Classical civilization [Hellenism] that spread to Turkestan and India [cf. Vishal Mangalwadi] 2) Characteristically Magian elements were squeezed into alien forms and distorted by the logic of a classical civilization [a reverse flow from the East also occurs with the rise of Stoicism, Manichaeism, Gnosticism] 3) Classical religion consisted of local cults; the creed of Magian religion knew no early frontier (universal in scope) but was not allowed its natural, unbounded space [i.e., it was coiled like a spring or a serpent] d. The rise of Islam and its swift successes is the emancipation of Magian mankind e. Job becomes Ayoub B. ON THE TRAIN TO THE ARMY-NAVY GAME (6-7) 1. Henry Kissinger and Elmo Zumwalt a. Kissinger spoke about America's decline and his task of securing the best deal we could get in our weakening condition [cf. convergence theory] b. Kissinger's master's thesis was on Spengler and "The Meaning of History" c. Spengler's declinism has also affected the Arab-Islamic world by a conviction that the Arab world will cast off the Western yoke and retrieve its usurped role of world-historical leadership [cf. Nietzsche's return of the repressed] Review two conceptions of Job Oswald Spengler Magian vs. Faustian ideals pseudomorphosis Great Awakening of Peoples Western declinism

Sociología del trabajo-Estudios culturales-Narrativas sociológicas y literarias. Nº 15, vol. XIV, Otoño 2010, Santiago del Estero, Argentina ISSN 1514-6871 (Caicyt-Conicet)-www.unse.edu.ar/trabajoysociedad Pierre Bourdieu y el hecho social religioso. Análisis de su obra y apropiaciones desde el trabajo histórico y etnográfico * Pierre Bourdieu and the social fact religious. Analysis about his work and appropriation since historical and ethnographic work RESUMEN En este artículo reflexionamos sobre los textos de Pierre Bourdieu que toman por objeto de análisis el hecho social religioso. Proponemos pensar en las posibilidades de un análisis sociológico y antropológico al que las nociones bourdieuanas nos habilita para el estudio de diversos mundos empíricos, distintos a los referentes del campo católico que encontramos claramente en sus textos de sociología de la religión de reciente publicación en lengua española (2009). Esta tarea pretendo llevarla en la sucesión de dos análisis. Pr...

This chapter examines the dissemination of the transnational Salafi movement in Azerbaijan in the context of its relationship to external powers and local discourses. It will show how Saudi Arabian religious discourse has been diffused in Azerbaijan, to what extent and in what way local Salafis1 connect to external actors and maintain their transnational linkages, and what the limitations of Saudi religious soft power are in the local sociopolitical context. Generally, Salafism in Azerbaijan (as well as in Russia and nearly all former Soviet republics) is represented by the media and the expert community as an agent of Saudi Arabian influence, while Salafi preachers are depicted merely as spies serving the interests of another country. However, this study supports the idea that Azerbaijani Salafis are neither spies, nor controlled actors, but members of a complex religious movement which has both been involved in a continuous transnational interaction and a process of adaptation to the local context. In addition, it shows that benefiting from the soft power of a religious movement does not presuppose its direct instrumentalization. Thus, while arguing that domestic Salafi networks have been established through support from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries with whom they have maintained a variety of connections to this day, I also emphasize that Salafism in Azerbaijan has become a local religious movement with distinct features, acting under the social and political conditions of Azerbaijan itself.

En este período resulta especialmente interesante para la investigación, la rela-ción permanente entre la vida política y la vida religiosa; más aŭn, entre la menta-lidad política y la mentalidad religiosa. Esta idea es contrapuesta a la de quienes sostienen que en este período hay ...

The University of St. Thomas, Houston, annual Smith Lecture in History will be given by Dr. Carolina Armenteros on April 3, 2025, at 7:30 PM in Jones Hall Auditorium. Free and open to the public. RSVP for it using the QR code on the poster. Dr. Armenteros is Professor of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Pontificia Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra in Santo Domingo. Her most recent book is A Companion to Italian Constitutional History, 1804-1938: The House of Savoy and the Making of the Nation-State, published by Brill in 2023.

Resumo: O véu islâmico (hijab) é um dos artefatos religiosos mais simbólicos do islã. Embora a vestimenta das mulheres muçulmanas se assemelhe àquelas utilizadas por religiões como o cristianismo e o judaísmo, criou-se ao longo do tempo uma estigmatização em torno do hijab, associando-o a estereótipos de submissão e opressão. Contudo, além de uma obrigação religiosa, a vestimenta feminina carrega uma série de sentidos e simbolismos para as muçulmanas. A proposta deste artigo é apresentar, a partir de um estudo teórico-reflexivo, alguns dos sentidos e significados atribuídos ao hijab por mulheres muçulmanas. Dados da literatura sugerem que os sentidos atribuídos véu islâmico extrapolam o contexto religioso, sendo compreendido como um símbolo de respeito, agência, resistência à dominação, empoderamento, dignidade, distinção, proteção, modéstia, castidade, identidade, responsabilidade e pertencimento na comunidade. Ao contrário do estereótipo da opressão, tão propagado por feministas e movimentos políticos ocidentais, o hijab confere autonomia e segurança à mulher, além de ser um símbolo de resistência contra a islamofobia, a hijabofobia e os discursos hegemônicos. ---
The hijab, a central religious symbol in Islam, has been disproportionately stigmatized within global discourse as a marker of Muslim women’s oppression – a narrative that contrasts sharply with its multifaceted significance in Islamic theology and lived experience. While modesty practices exist across Abrahamic faiths (e.g., Christian nuns’ veiling, Jewish tzniut codes), the hijab uniquely bears the weight of Orientalist stereotypes that reduce it to patriarchal submission. This article challenges such hijabophobic frameworks by centering Muslim women’s own interpretations of the hijab through a synthesis of Islamic hermeneutics and sociopolitical critique. Beyond its role as a religious obligation (fard), scholarly analyses reveal the hijab as a polysemic symbol: it embodies piety (taqwa), ethical selfhood, and communal belonging while also functioning as a tool of resistance against Islamophobia, hypersexualization, and colonial hegemonies. Contrary to secular feminist and Western political discourses that frame the garment as inherently oppressive, Muslim women articulate the hijab as a source of agency-enabling autonomy over their bodies, dignity (karamah), and defiance against erasure. By foregrounding these faith-centered perspectives, this study dismantles reductive binaries of “oppression versus liberation” and advocates for intersectional understandings of the hijab that honor its theological, cultural, and emancipatory dimensions

In: Results of the 2024 Season of the Pine Ridge Preceramic Project, August Pine Ridge, Belize (J. C. Lohse and V. C. Pagano, eds.): 33-51. Occasional Papers Number 2 of the Gault School of Archaeological Research, Florence, Texas, March 2025.

N el lenguaje político, jurídico, ético, pero también en otros ámbitos, se habla de abuso de mayorías y minorías, planteando situaciones que poseen características diferentes 2. Normalmente, los estudios que abordan estos problemas van dirigidos a proponer mecanismos para que las situaciones abusivas no se produzcan. Este trabajo, sin embargo, es un intento de sistematización desde un punto de vista conceptual de las situaciones, calificadas como abusivas y que tienen su origen en actuaciones de mayorías o de ...

The Protocol of Greek National Independence, signed in London on 22 January/3 February 1830, outlined both its borders as well as the role of Great European Powers (England, France, and Russia) in it as guarantors of the country's territorial and political regime. The Great Powers earned that role due to the attempts of the Greeks to free themselves from the Ottoman yoke repeatedly failing throughout the 18 th and 19 th centuries. Their interest to ensure that no single European state would grow powerful enough to dominate the others in the way that Napoleonic France had attempted, led the Great Powers to pay attention to the evolution of events in the region. When they realized that the growing weaknesses of the Ottoman Empire posed a threat to this precarious balance in the Eastern Mediterranean, they felt "forced" to actively involve themselves (e.g. Battle of Navarino Bay, landing of French troops in Peloponnese) in the realization of Greek independence. 1 The establishment of three domestic political parties that identified their ideological orientation with that of the Great Powers (they were even called the English, French, and Russian Party) was a clear sign of the deep gratitude that all Greeks felt towards these three European states. What the Greeks had failed to understand, however,was that their country’s “independence” was not due to the romantic attachment of European Powers either to Ancient Greece or to Christian Orthodox dogma but part of a greater plan for a new, post-Napoleonic type of supervision of international politics and economics.

La India aparece en el actual contexto internacional como un poder/potencia ascendente, siendo caracterizado por Fuente Cobo (2011) como un Estado-civilizacion mas que un Estado-nacion. Considerando lo senalado, el presente trabajo aborda la descripcion y breve analisis de la dinamica de la India, como actor internacional en el siglo actual. Para ello, repasa brevemente la evolucion historica del diseno de su politica exterior, la organizacion de la misma —incluyendo su relacion con America Latina — , sus implicancias securitarias y los elementos con que puede caracterizarse, utilizandose para ello, la revision bibliografica y la consulta de fuentes periodicas.

Nicolas Bouvier’s reception in the English-speaking world is distinguished by the essentially academic context in which it took place, through invitations from American universities (notably the University of Southern California, where he was “Swiss writer in residence”), and by the effects that these educational “journeys” had on his literary production. This article studies not only the reception of the “master traveler” in the English-language media from the 1980s onwards, which established Bouvier’s status as a key figure in travel writing, but also the transformation of his relationship with a native country that his work had until then generally dodged or ignored: confronted with an English-speaking audience, the author suddenly must identify and redefine himself, thus developing the ambiguous Swiss stance that permeates his last texts.

La réception de Nicolas Bouvier dans le monde anglophone se distingue par le contexte essentiellement académique dans lequel elle s’est déroulée au gré des invitations d’universités américaines (notamment la University of Southern California, où il fut Swiss writer in residence), et par les effets que ces « voyages » pédagogiques eurent sur sa production littéraire. Cet article étudie non seulement l’accueil chaleureux du « master traveler » dans les médias de langue anglaise à partir des années 1980, qui ont fait de Bouvier une figure majeure du travel writing, mais aussi la transformation de son rapport à la Suisse, pays d’origine que son œuvre avait jusqu’alors généralement esquivé ou ignoré : face à un public anglophone, l’auteur doit soudain décliner son identité et la redéfinir, développant ainsi la posture helvétique ambiguë qui imprégnera ses derniers textes.

Modifikasi model visibilitas Kastner untuk benda langit di dekat Matahari telah dilakukan dengan menguji validitasnya pada kasus awal Ramadhan dan Syawal 1437 H serta tujuh kasus yang menjadi rekor dunia. Modifikasi dilakukan untuk memperoleh prediksi visibilitas hilal (Bulan sabit pertama yang dapat diamati pascakonjungsi setelah terbenamnya Matahari) dalam modus pengamatan dengan mata telanjang maupun dengan bantuan alat optik. Modifikasi dilakukan pada kecerahan langit senja dengan menggunakan algoritma Schaefer yang menyertakan faktor fisiologis, lokasi pengamatan dan meteorologi terhadap efek glare untuk pengamatan mata telanjang. Modifikasi akibat penggunaan alat optik berupa faktor-faktor koreksi yang diterapkan pada kecerahan langit dan kecerahan hilal dengan menggunakan model matematika Schaefer yang berupa faktor transmisi cahaya dalam instrumen optik, faktor penglihatan, faktor perbesaran sudut, faktor koreksi teleskop, dan faktor daya pengumpul cahaya. Prediksi yang diha...

Forthcoming November-December 2025.

Cover art: Ismael Nery, 1926, Nós, “Us.” Ismael Nery was born in Belém, Pará, Brazil in 1900 and died at the age of thirty-three in a Franciscan monastery in Rio de Janeiro.

This Chicago webpage was launched in February 2025 and the cover was posted in late March 2025.

Purpose of the article is to study the key trends characteristic to the Caucasian Censorship Committee in 80s-90s of the 19th century. In our earlier works we have admitted that in the 70s of the mentioned century, in Caucasus, particularly in Georgia, the national policies implemented by the Russian Empire, compared with some other countries included into the Empire was relatively loyal and the strictest measures were oriented mostly against the introduction and dissemination of the revolutionary ideas in the country and from the second half of 80s and 90s, this politics changed and Russian state showed particular care to prevent transformation of the national aspirations into the forms dangerous to it; frequently, national and social issues in Georgian literature are combined, social issues appeared in the art of Georgian writers and national liberty was directly related to the social theories. While in the art of many writers the national and social issues are close to one another, in Georgian literature there can be also noticed that there is some confrontation between the figures that are purely national and those, for whom the revolutionary ideas are closer than the national ones and for the Empire both these directions were unacceptable and in our opinion, this was the key reason of strict measures.
    This article is based on less studied archive documents of the Caucasian Censorship Committee preserved at Georgian National Archive. Archive data of the 19th century, materials banned by the censors clearly show that the policies of 70s of the said century  dramatically differs from the policies characteristic fort 80s-90s. 
    At the archive, there is preserved the letter belonging to famous Georgian poet, Akaki Tsereteli; here were also found numerous documents that, regarding the worldview and style, can, very likely, belong to great Georgian national figure, prose writer and poet Ilia Chavchavadze; that are the materials that were intended for publication with newspaper “Iveria”, banned by the Censorship Committee. In the work we offered that maybe, these works were not written by Chavchavadze, but as he was the editor in chief of “Iveria”, it is  clearly assumable that the editor has worked on the mentioned articles and, perhaps, in agreement with the authors, he has edited them; though, there is the article in the archive as well that is written from the first person and contains biographical facts related to Ilia Chavchavadze and hence, there is the need to carefully study these articles, to clarify, whether some of them are authored by Ilia Chavchavadze.

We provide evidence from several surveys showing that religiosity can not only explain (mediate) but also influence (moderate) the relationship between a voter's race and/or ethnicity and her attitudes about Proposition 8 (California's Proposal to amend the state's constitution and ban same-sex marriage in 2008) and related issues. These findings advance our understanding of the complex and enduring role of the Black church as a socializing institution in African-American communities, and they speak to the need among proponents of same-sex unions to inform churchgoers about the socio-political implications of anti-gay and exclusionary policies.

This article discusses the conversion of Hagia Sophia to a mosque in 2020. Examining this act through the prism of the neo-Ottoman political platform and with consideration of the meaning and importance of this historic cultural monument, it is inferred that the reconversion constitutes a political decision par excellence, intended to symbolically mark the beginning of a new era for Turkey while closing the chapter of Kemalism. In doing so, the current political establishment seeks to communicate its resolution to invert the process of secularisation, as a form of revanche for the Westernisation of the country and the identity erosion that it caused. Further, the reconversion symbolically connotes the conquest of Constantinople and the triumph of Islam over Christianity anew, harking back to past glories and upholding them as guidelines for the future, thus hinting to a revisionist political agenda, applicable both domestically and abroad, intended, according to rhetoric at least, to consolidate Turkey as a regional power and a worthy successor of the Ottoman Empire.

Keywords: Hagia Sophia; Turkey; neo-Ottomanism; conversion; mosque; Constantinople; Erdoğan

This article confronts the ongoing tragedy of extinction in the Anthropocene from the standpoint of grief and embodied affect. It argues that when confronted with the death of an animal other – be it in public and political settings or in personal encounters of suffering – that silent grief is an embodied form of protest to the triumphalist and anthropocentric narratives of the neoliberal petro-state. In developing an account of suffering and grief from Miguel de Unamuno the argument proceeds to account for an embodied political praxis which subverts political structures aimed at marginalizing animal-others. Finally, in dialogue with Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the article concludes with a reflection on how scholarly activities in the mode of grief might enact relational capacities with the broader animal and natural world.

This essay reconstructs the German philosopher and cultural sociologist Helmuth Plessner's reading of Germany's fall into the catastrophe of National Socialism. The conceptual foundations for his reading were developed in The Limits of Community (1924). There he argued that post-WWI political extremism was characterized by the anti-modernist concept of "community." In The Belated Nation (1935/59), he went on to identify the Lutheran Reformation as the determining turning point in German history. The Lutheran type of consciousness stands at the origin of a self-destructive hermeneutics of suspicion that finally resulted in völkisch thinking. Second, unlike the formation of a democratic spirit in the Calvinist middle classes in Holland and England, in Prussia the Lutheran alliance of throne and altar led to the exclusion of the middle classes from politics, relegating them to the liberal professions of science and art. Finally, I argue that Plessner's own theoretical model of a political anthropology was developed in opposition to the German intellectual classes' failure to prevent or oppose Hitler's rise to power, including his plea for Germany to align with Western European nations shaped by the Calvinist version of the Reformation.

Interpreting andragogic theory as an approach to change a perspective is one effective way that can be used. The principle of moderation which is a perspective and ideology is a unifying tool in diversity, so its existence is absolute in a multicultural country. As a method, andragogy is designed in the form of learning methods, learning objectives, learning evaluations and learning models. A change of perspective becomes an orthientation andragogy that serves as a reification and reflectivity in the success of its learning. Andragogy as a facilitator should be defined as an organized and sustained effort to help adults learn by improving their ability to learn independently. The success of the andragogy is determined by its effectiveness through: learning ability, learning motivation, facilitator in style, ability and teaching methodology. In the andragogy required more to the operational form, the definition of a criteria-based with accurate measurement of the success of learning.

Discrimination is a behavior that is very unifair and unequal to what is done in distinguishing individuals or groups, based on something, usually categorical or specific, such as race, ethnicity, social classes and even religion. As time goes by, developments in various parts of the world are increasingly sophisticated, especially ini Indonesia itself, various advences have now increased. Developments in the digital are are one of the advancements that have developed rapidly in Indonesia. In today’s development, it has now spread to social media. In Indonesia itself, many and even millions of people use social media as a place to spread information. It can even be used to get new information from various sources that have been shared by the public. In Indonesia itself there is a variety of diversity so that Indonesia is dubbed as a multicultural country, the diversity referrd to is the devesity of ethnicities, races, customs, culture and religion. The existence of these differences...

Istor es una publica ción trimestral de la Di- visión de Historia del Cen tro de In ves tigación y Do cenc ia Econó mi cas (CIDE). . El objetivo de Istor es ofrecer un acercamien- to original a los aconteci mien tos y a los gran des de bates de la historia y la actua lidad internacio nal. . Las opiniones expresadas en esta re vis ta son responsabilidad de sus au to res. La reproducción de los tra bajos necesita previa autorización. . Los manuscritos deben en viar se a la Di visión de Historia del CIDE. Su presen tación debe seguir los atri butos que pueden observarse en este nú mero. . Todos los artículos son dictaminados.

This article focuses on conflicts over appropriated black residential and cultural land spaces in downtown Indianapolis and on tensions over competing narrations and conceptualizations of the historical meanings of these neighborhood formations and re-formations. The analysis pays particular attention to ways material remnants of historic black buildings in the District retain memory of and impart truths about previously constructed black worlds, including ongoing sacred significance attributed to this historic black location. Juxtapositions of the past and present are captured through descriptive analysis and through photographic illustrations.

This paper examines selected icons and images from the Ruthenian (early modern Ukrainian and Belorussian) lands to explore forms of cultural and religious exchange, framed within the concepts of interconfessionality, transconfessionality, and confessional ambiguity. Key sources include Eastern Christian sacred icons, including Theotokos and festal icons. The central argument suggests that confessional ambiguity in the visual cultures of early modern Ruthenian lands can be identified through the adoption of iconographic patterns from other confessions; the integration of “foreign” iconographic elements and rituals; and, finally, the shared veneration of miraculous sacred objects. The paper argues that all these processes reflect a broader practice of confessional ambiguity. These forms of ambiguity emerged through direct exchanges with artists connected to the Western Republic of Letters.

The chapter categorizes and contextualizes (neo-)medievalist references to Alexander Nevsky (d. 1263) in selected Russian state-affiliated newspapers (the Kommersant, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, and Izvestiya) over 2018-2023. It argues that the pro-state discourse on Nevsky seeks to construct a national identity on several levels: that of a messianic state, a sly ruler saving his homeland, and a pro-active citizen. Hence, the state’s communicative memory politics about Nevsky aims at 1) justifying a distinctive civilizational model of Russia as opposed to modern Western values and 2) promoting the image of a sacrificial patriot and mobilizing the society, especially during the war in Ukraine.

This article introduces a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe focused on the material culture of Do-It-Yourself (DIY) in Central and Eastern Europe. It examines DIY as a lens for understanding societal transformations since the 1980s, shaped by post-socialist transitions and global capitalism. While DIY has been widely studied in contexts such as activism, gender, housing, and subcultures, its role in vernacular creativity and material culture remains underexplored in this region. The article situates DIY within historical and contemporary contexts, analyzing its intersection with economic, social, and political structures. It highlights DIY's hybrid nature, bridging traditional-modern, statemarket, and socialist-post-socialist dichotomies. Using Czech DIY (kutilství) as a case study, it argues that DIY serves as a crucial tool for comprehending broader societal and material shifts. This introduction provides the theoretical and contextual foundation for the special issue, which explores DIY's implications for identity, agency, and socio-material realities in a rapidly changing world.

This inaugural presidential address of the Asian Law and Society Association features three recently published monographs to draw attention to research by the next generation of scholars and to show how they contribute to the field. Although the three books differ in terms of focus, methods, and findings, they share a hallmark of law and society, that is, they investigate practices, beliefs, and objects that are often taken for granted. At the same time, the three studies arrive at dissimilar conclusions about law, which reflects another unifying hallmark of law and society-its diversity. Together, the inconsistent findings expose the many profiles of law and demonstrate its fascinating nature. They remind us that we do not yet know the intricacies of law, and we need all kinds of law and society scholarships-on Asian societies and elsewhere-to continue advancing the field. Dear distinguished guests and members of the Asian Law and Society Association (ALSA), welcome to the annual ALSA conference, held this year on 15-16 December 2023 at Sunway University, Malaysia. This year's ALSA conference marks the seventh annual meeting since the inaugural conference was held at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore, in 2016. However, it is the first time that ALSA features a presidential speech at its annual conferences-a practice that I hope will become tradition from now on. I have been involved with ALSA since its founding, and the association has been a part of my growth as a law and society scholar. For the past two years, I also had the honour and pleasure of serving this growing association as its fourth president. Delivering this speech, therefore, is a delightful and meaningful way to bring my ALSA presidency to a close. As part of my involvement with ALSA, I have seen the field of Asian law and society grow rapidly in the past decade and how law and society scholars make the region a focal point for innovation in methods and theory in the discipline of law and society. The expansion in the number of venues for scholars to discuss and share their work is an example of this demand. For example, two journals relating to Asian law and society scholarship were established in the 2010s-the Asian Journal of Law and Society in 2013 and the China Law and Society Review in 2016. This association, ALSA, was founded in 2015 and started holding annual meetings in 2016. The ALSA annual meetings succeeded the regular Starting from 2022, the Asian Journal of Law and Society is collaborating with ALSA to publish the association's biannual presidential speeches.

many parties were present but one party dominated. Much of the research on party politics in those years was naturally centred round the Congress party. Political analysts and researchers described it as an 'umbrella party' or a 'party of consensus' and spoke of its accommodative and integrative nature. We saw the emergence and consolidation of the non-Congress opposition during the 1960s and the 1970s. Several Congress leaders who were either dissatisfi ed with the policies of the party or disgruntled due to lack of access to power formed separate parties, such as the Swatantra Party, Bharatiya Kranti Dal, and Kerala Congress. Other parties rooted in long-standing rivalries with the Congress also gained strength, such as the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in the Northern states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Gujarat, the communist parties in Kerala and West Bengal, the Shiromani Akali Dal (Akali Dal) in Punjab, and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu. In the 1967 elections, although the Congress retained power at the Union level, opposition parties forged alliances and formed governments in eight major states. Commenting on the emergent situation at that time, Rajni said that the one-party dominance model was giving way to a more diff erentiated structure of party competition. emphasized that the new situation brought a number of opposition parties fully into the marketplace, and competition that had previously occurred within the Congress was now brought into the realm of inter-party confl ict. Th e formation of the Janata Party in 1977 ushered in far-reaching changes. The Janata Party came into existence through the merger of four different parties-Socialist Party, Congress (O), Bharatiya Lok Dal, and Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Th e emergence of a viable non-Congress party and its coming to power at the Centre raised the hope of a two-party system taking shape. But this experiment soon fi zzled out with internecine leadership quarrels in the Janata Party leading to its disintegration and defeat in 1979. Th e formation of a National Front led by the Janata Dal, and its victory in the 1989 national election, heralded another phase of party competition in India. Th e Janata Dal was a loose conglomeration of leaders from the Janata Party of the 1970s who had broken away from the Congress on the plank of social justice. Several regional and Left parties joined hands with the Janata Dal. While the defeat of the Congress in 1977 appeared to be an aberration or a temporary aff air, 1989 marked the end of Congress party dominance.

Desde la última década del siglo pasado la incursión de actores religiosos en la política electoral y el espacio público es una constante. Los estudios sobre América Latina han privilegiado la práctica política electoral más que su accionar en el espacio público. Este artículo estudia un conjunto de
prácticas y discursos de actores del campo católico y evangélico peruano, forjados en una coyuntura política crítica (diciembre 2022 a julio de 2023) de repentina sustitución presidencial. El contexto de nuestro análisis tiene las siguientes características: condiciones precarias de la democracia en las últimas décadas, el impacto de la protesta popular identificada con el presidente destituido y la gravedad de la violencia del gobierno de Dina Boluarte contra los manifestantes del sur andino.
En el análisis de las posiciones religiosas opuestas, expresadas en acciones y discursos que ocuparon el espacio público, llevamos en consideración las categorías de progresismo, neoconservadurismo
y la visión teocrática de la política.

El mito de Tomás Garrido Canabal alcanza proporciones gigantescas, está más allá de las fronteras. Se ha dicho tanto en su contra, se le ha denostado hasta lo increíble: vilipendiado, violador de mujeres, arrasahogares, asesinatos por doquier, que no cumplía con las leyes sino que aplicaba las suyas propias. El único mexicano sobre quien se han escrito nueve libros en idioma extranjero en pro y en contra, innumerables volúmenes en español, también con reverso y anverso. Informaciones periodísticas mil, ¡mas nunca, acusado de malversas fondos públicos!
Pero hay un hombre en el Sagitario Rojo que nunca se ha expuesto a la luz, que se ha escondido mañosamente. Un hombre que es el auténtico, el verdadero, que revela al amante del progreso, esforzado y valeroso, que lucha por el mejoramiento de su pueblo, arrancándolo de las tinieblas donde está hundido por los dogmas religiosos, sumido en la profundidad del vicio, que rompe barreras añejas, derriba hasta sus cimientos vetustas iglesias y las convierte en escuelas, que combate drásticamente el alcohol, que castiga dura y severamente al traficante que lo vende, que es flagelo del abigeo, que no permite holgazanes, que empuja decididamente y eleva a la juventud hasta planos superiores...
Tomás Garrido Canabal ha sido motivo de grandes mentiras, de enormes falsedades. El mito del Hombre del Sureste es una leyenda negra, rodeado de terror, colmado de diatriba, invariablemente circundado de violencia.
Nunca se ha dicho la verdad de este controvertido personaje. La auténtica historia de esta figura singular de la Revolución Mexicana aún era desconocida.

L'unité des pays arabes est complexe et souvent mise à l'épreuve par des différences politiques, économiques et culturelles. Bien qu'ils partagent une langue et une histoire communes, les intérêts nationaux et les alliances stratégiques peuvent créer des divisions. Par exemple, certains pays arabes ont des relations tendues en raison de rivalités économiques ou de désaccords sur des questions régionales. Cependant, des organisations comme la Ligue arabe cherchent à renforcer la coopération entre ces nations. Malgré cela, l'unité reste un défi, surtout face à des enjeux mondiaux et régionaux. C'est une observation qui reflète les dynamiques complexes du monde arabe. Certains pays entretiennent des relations étroites avec des puissances étrangères pour des raisons stratégiques ou économiques, ce qui peut être perçu comme une forme de dépendance. D'autres adoptent une posture de résistance face à l'Occident, souvent en raison de divergences idéologiques ou historiques. Enfin, certains pays sont considérés comme des alliés ou des "vassaux" de l'Occident, en raison de leur alignement politique ou militaire. Ces différences créent des tensions au sein du monde arabe, mais elles sont aussi le reflet de la diversité des intérêts et des contextes nationaux. Cela soulève des questions sur l'unité régionale et les défis liés à la souveraineté.

This research analyzes the meaning of penance, as well as the practice of it through public flagellation in the framework of religiosity and post-Tridentine religious life. The culture of suffering associated with Catholic religious forms of experience and the changes experienced in Spanish society throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are characterized, demonstrating very substantial changes, singularly known after the first decades of the eighteenth century and before the criticisms of the enlightened reformers. It is shown that society, within its endogenous dynamics of change, introduced elements of innovation in sociability and spirituality prior to the emergence and diffusion of Enlightenment projectism.
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Esta investigación analiza el significado de la penitencia, así como la práctica de la misma a través de la flagelación pública en el marco de la religiosidad y vida religiosa postridentina. Se caracteriza la cultura del sufrimiento asociada a las formas de vivencia religiosas católicas y los cambios experimentados en la sociedad española a lo largo de los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII, demostrando cambios muy sustanciales, singularmente conocidos con posterioridad a las primeras décadas del siglo XVIII y antes de las críticas de los reformistas ilustrados. Se demuestra que la sociedad, dentro de sus dinámicas endógenas de cambio, introdujo elementos de innovación en la sociabilidad y espiritualidad previos a la eclosión y difusión del proyectismo de la Ilustración.

Discussions of religion in recent political philosophy concern normative questions such as whether religious reasons can be appealed to in political justification, whether the state can support the church, how the state should regulate religious symbols in public space, and how freedom of religion and religious discrimination should be understood. Debates about religion in political philosophy can be separated into two different main framings. One framing represents the issues in terms of a relation between different spheres, such as religion and politics. Another framing represents the issues in terms of the regulation of specific acts and activities, such as observing religious beliefs by wearing religious dress. All these issues, however framed, raise the question about what counts as religion and why it is normatively relevant. However, religion can denote quite different things which are normatively relevant for different reasons in different respects.

FORTHCOMING : The papacy is commonly referred to as the world's oldest surviving institution and its capacity for survival and residual strength have long fascinated historians. This Cambridge History explores how and why the papacy has endured across the centuries. It examines its role as an instrument of authority, governance, and social and cultural influence, even as many other powerful institutions, empires, and states have disappeared or been reduced to largely ceremonial functions. Topics discussed include the papacy's relationship to secular power, including global events and political movements throughout history; its place in the governance of the Catholic Church, including its own internal structures and relationship with the Catholic hierarchy; and its entanglement in histories of art, culture, spirituality, gender, sexuality, bioethics, the environment, fashion, science, medicine, and the body. Providing new insights into how successive popes have interpreted the role of the papacy, this Cambridge History also reveals how that papal power has been contested in each historical period.

On the last page of Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler chillingly predicted that, if led and organized by the principles he had preached there, his National Socialist Workers' Party would "with almost mathematical certainty some day emerge victorious from its struggle" (Hitler 1926; Micklem 1939, 13). And it did. On January 30, 1933, he was appointed Chancellor of the Republic Germany, and the twelve years of tyranny, deceit, terror, persecution and murder that became the hallmarks of Nazi Germany began to begin. He had become Chancellor through perfectly legal means, through the democratic system, which he utterly despised and lost no time in reducing to shreds. So, no one, let alone a champion of democracy, should scorn anyone for maintaining that he legitimately assumed power and his government was legally constituted. He did and it was. He beat the democratic system and then beat it to death from within. He used it to kill it step by step. Once in power, he immediately set about dismantling and demolishing the Weimar Republic in existence

Mesoamerican clay figurines are usually found in middens, building fill, and burials; contexts that place them in the sphere of household ritual. They are rarely located in formal offerings, such as the ubiquitous caches deposited during construction phases. When figurines appear in such caches, they are manufactured from stone, shell, dough, wood, rubber, copal, or paper, only exceptionally clay. In this respect, Classic period Central Veracruz represents an exception, as clay figurines appear repeatedly in construction caches, as well as in ceremonial middens associated with major buildings. These ceramic figurines are linked to domestic rituals and popular religion usually identified with commoners. I propose that this recurrent practice suggests that a broad sector of the population played a larger part in political decision-making than did the inhabitants of contemporary Classic period civilizations elsewhere (Teotihuacan, Oaxaca Valley, and Maya area).

Human Migrations can be defined as the movement or displacement of peoples from one place to another, in particular from one country (emigration) to another (immigration) for political, social, economic, or personal reasons. They have been the fact of life for populations integrating into a wider world. Historically, Senegalese migrations to Europe started under colonialism with the massive recruitments by the French colonial administration within the Senegalese territory. This practice of European colonial administration caused the first wave of Senegalese migrations towards Europe to conform to French colonial needs and expectations. Senegalese migrations to Europe continued in the post-colonial period as part of France’s post-war reconstruction and its need for labor to revitalize its economy. In the 2000s, Senegalese migrations to Europe increased tremendously with the “Barca or Barsaakh” phenomenon, involving a whole generation of Senegalese youth. Throughout this research, I p...