Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
1993, Altorientalische Forschungen
In an extensive paper published due to the kindness of the editorial staff of the present journal, I have suggested a geometrical reinterpretation of so-called Old Babylonian "algebra". 1 Among the texts analyzed in the paper were the mathematical texts No. XVI and No. IX from Susa, which turned out to contain highly illuminating didactical commentaries of a kind not known from the Babylonian core area -be it because teaching in a peripheral area felt a need to make explicit what could be left to a stable oral tradition in the core, or simply because the Susa teachers had a bent for loquacity. Text No. XVI turned out not to contain solutions of problems but only a didactical discussion of transformations of linear "equations" of two unknowns (as usually, the us ("length") and ("width") of a rectangle, with the usual values 30 ' and 20' [nindan] 2 ). No. IX contained initial didactical discussions of the transformations of complex into simpler second-degree "equations" followed by use of the technique just taught for the solution of a sophisticated set of equations. These texts are not the only Susa texts to contain illuminating didactical commentaries. In the present paper I shall analyze two further texts, of which one contains an explicit explanatory part, while the other employs some of the concepts introduced in the former. An extra reason for reanalyzing the two texts is that the treatment given by
1990
Through a broad structural analysis and a close reading of Old Babylonian mathematical "procedure texts" dealing mainly with problems of the second degree it is shown that Old Babylonian "algehra" was neither a "rhetorical algebra" dealing with numbers and arithmetical relations between numbers nor built on a set of fixed algorithmic procedures. Instead, the texts must be read as "naive" prescriptions for geometric analysis-naive in the sense that the results are seen by immediate intuition to be correct, but the question of correctness never raised-dealing with measured or measurable but unknown line segments, and making use of a set of operations and techniques diff8rent in structure from that of arithmetical algebra.
1987
Through a broad structural analysis and a close reading of Old Babylonian mathematica] "procedure texts" dealing mainly with problems of the second degree it is shown that Old Babylonian "algebra" was neither a "rhetorical algebra" dealing with numbers and arithmetical relations between numbers nor built on a set of fixed algorithmic procedures. Instead, the texts must be read as "naive" prescriptions for geometric analysis-naive in the sense that the results are seen by immediate intuition to be correct, but the question of correctness never raised-dealing with measured or measurable but unknown line segments, and making use of a set of operations and techniques different in structure from that of arithmetical algebra. The investigation involves a thorough discussion and re-interpretation of the technical terminology of Old Babylonian mathematics, elucidates many terms and procedures which have up to now been enigmatic, and makes many features stand out which had not been noticed before. The second-last chapter discusses the metamathematical problem, whether and to which extent we are then entitled to speak of an Old Babylonian algebra ; it also takes up the overall implications of the investigation for the understanding of Old Babylonian patterns of thought. It is argued that these are not mythopoeic in the sense of H. and H. A. Frankfort, nor savage or cold in a Lévi-Straussian sense, nor however as abstract and modern as current interpretations of the mathematical texts would have them to be. The last chapter investigates briefly the further development of Babylonian "algebra" through the Seleucid era, demonstrating a clear arithmetization of the patterns of mathematical thought, the possible role of Babylonian geometrical analysis as inspiration for early Greek geometry, and the legacy of Babylonian "algebraic" thought to Medieval Islamic algebra. Jens Heyrup presented the progress of the project in the four Workshops on Concept Development in Babylonian Mathematics held at the Seminar für Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde der Freien Universität Berlin in 1983, 1984, 1985 and 1988, and included summaries of some of my results-without the detailed arguments-in various contexts where they were relevant. This article is then meant to cover my results coherently and to give the details of the argument, without renouncing completely on readability. Admittedly, the article contains many discussions of philological details which will hardly be understandable to historians of mathematics without special assyriological training, but which were necessary if philological specialists should be able to evaluate my results ; I hope the non-specialist will not be too disturbed by these stumbling-stones. On the other hand many points which are trivial to the assyriologist are included in order to make it clear to the non-specialist why current interpretations and translations are only reliable up to a certain point, and why the complex discussions of terminological structure and philological details are at all necessary. I apologize to whoever will find them boring and superfluous. It is a most pleasant duty to express my gratitude to all those who have assisted me over the years,-especially Dr.
Altorientalische Forschungen, 2000
Through a broad structural analysis and a close reading of Old Babylonian mathematical "procedure texts" dealing mainly with problems of the second degree it is shown that Old Babylonian "algehra" was neither a "rhetorical algebra" dealing with numbers and arithmetical relations between numbers nor built on a set of fixed algorithmic procedures. Instead, the texts must be read as "naive" prescriptions for geometric analysis-naive in the sense that the results are seen by immediate intuition to be correct, but the question of correctness never raised-dealing with measured or measurable but unknown line segments, and making use of a set of operations and techniques diff8rent in structure from that of arithmetical algebra.
Selected Essays on Pre- and Early Modern Mathematical Practice, 2019
Most general standard histories of mathematics speak indiscriminately of “Babylonian” mathematics, presenting together the mathematics of the Old Babylonian and the Seleucid period (respectively 2000−1600 and 300−100 bce) and neglecting the rest. Specialist literature has always known there was a difference, but until recently it has been difficult to determine the historical process within the Old Babylonian period.
2008
The classical translations of Old Babylonian mathematical texts............ 2
Selected Essays on Pre- and Early Modern Mathematical Practice, 2019
Since the 1950s, “Babylonian mathematics” has often served to open expositions of the general history of mathematics. Since it is written in a language and a script which only specialists understand, it has always been dealt with differently by the “insiders”, the Assyriologists who approached the texts where this mathematics manifests itself as philologists and historians of Mesopotamian culture – and by “outsiders”, historians of mathematics who had to rely on second-hand understanding of the material (actually, of as much of this material as they wanted to take into account), but who saw it as a constituent of the history of mathematics. The article deals with how these different approaches have looked in various periods: pre-decipherment speculations; the early period of deciphering, 1847–1929; the “golden decade”, 1929–1938, where workers with double competence (primarily Neugebauer and Thureau-Dangin) attacked the corpus and demonstrated the Babylonians to have possessed unexp...
The purpose of this paper is to show two traces of analytical thinking in Mesopotamian mathematics. Initially, I will do this by examining a geometry problem on an Old Babylonian tablet, in order to suggest that some analytical reasoning was used to obtain the solution. Next, I will look into a set of texts known as coefficient lists, to argue that one of the elements giving meaning to these texts was analytical.
GANITA BHARATI
" N a m e s o f o p e r a t i o n s : M e a n i n g o f t h e t e r m s a n d s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c a n a l y s i s "
The present essay traces the career of a particular mathematical problem-to find the side of a square from the sum of its four sides and the area-from its first appearance in an Old Babylonian text until it surfaces for the last time in the same unmistakeable form during the Renaissance in Luca Pacioli's and Pedro Nunez' works. The problem turns out to belong to a non-scholarly tradition carried by practical geometers, together with other simple quasi-algebraic "recreational" problems dealing with the sides, diagonals and areas of squares and rectangles. This "mensuration algebra" (as I shall call it) was absorbed into and interacted with a sequence of literate mathematical cultures: the Old Babylonian scribal tradition, early Greek so-called metric geometry, and Islamic al-jabr. The article explores how these interactions inform us about the early history of algebraic thinking.
Physis - Rivista Internazionale di Storia della Scienza (Firenze: Olschki), 2014
This paper analyzes the algorithmic structure of geometrical problems in Egyptian papyri of the first half of the second millennium B.C. Processes of transformation of quantities from ‘‘false’’ values into actual values, and conversions from quantities expressed in the abstract system of numbers into metrological quantities, are known in Egyptian mathematics. Three further processes are identified in the present contribution: transformations of ‘‘false’’ dimensions of geometrical objects into true dimensions; transformations of geometrical objects into other geometrical objects; transformations of linear measures of monuments. These processes have relevant implications on the algorithmic structure of the problem texts, resulting in particular in the embedding of sub-algorithms and the creation of parallel structures. More in general, their wide employment in Egyptian mathematics has significant philosophic and cultural implications.
Since the 1950s, “Babylonian mathematics” has often served to open expositions of the general history of mathematics. Since it is written in a language and a script which only specialists understand, it has always been dealt with differently by the “insiders”, the Assyriologists who approached the texts where it manifests itself as philologists and historians of Mesopotamian culture, and by “outsiders”, historians of mathematics who had to rely on second-hand understanding of the material (actually, of as much of this material as they wanted to take into account), but who saw it as a constituent of the history of mathematics. The article deals with how these different approaches have looked in various periods: pre-decipherment speculations; the early period of deciphering, 1847–1929; the “golden decade”, 1929–1938, where workers with double competence (primarily Neugebauer and Thureau-Dangin) attacked the corpus and demonstrated the Babylonians to have possessed unexpectedly sophisticated mathematical knowledge; and the ensuing four decades, where some mopping-up without change of perspective was all that was done by a handful of Assyriologists and Assyriologically competent historians of mathematics, while most Assyriologists lost interest completely, and historians of mathematics believed to possess the definitive truth about the topic in Neugebauer’s popularizations.
1999
Filosofi og Videnskabsteori på Roskilde Universitetscenter. 3. Række, Preprints of Reprints 1996 nr. 4, 1996
SUMMARY Ibn Al-Yasamin (d. 1204) received his higher education in Western Maghrib and, for a period of time, in Sevilla. He is known to have taught in this andalusian town around 1190 using his poem on algebra intitled al-Urjuza fi'l-jabr wa'l-muqabala as a basis. In this paper we propose a translation into English of al-Urjuza, with a descriptive analysis of the terminology and concepts used in its mathematical section. RÉSUMÉ Ibn Al-Yasamin (mort en 1204) a pour-suivi une formation supérieure au Maghreb Extrême et aussi pendant quelque temps à Séville. On rapporte que dans cette cité andalouse il aurait utilisé vers 1190 le poème al-Urjuza fi'l-jabr wa'l-muqabala comme base de son enseignement de l'algèbre. Dans cet article, nous présentons la traduc-tion en anglais de l'Urjuza accompagnée d'une analyse descriptive de la terminologie et des concepts utilisés dans sa partie mathématique.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.