International Political Economy

Il design sta assumendo sempre maggiore importanza come mezzo per differenziare i prodotti e per aumentarne il valore. Al tempo stesso, la rapidità con cui un prodotto viene proposto sul mercato dipende dalla capacità di integrare il design nel processo di produzione. Tuttavia, molte PMI «in particolare le nuove imprese a prevalenza tecnologica» mancano di competenze specializzate per la gestione del design, e spesso non dedicano abbastanza attenzione a questo aspetto. L'industria automobilistica, e le grandi società come la Philips e la Braun, gestiscono e misurano l'impatto del design come strumento innovativo. Per le PMI la gestione della creatività e del design è allo stesso stadio in cui si trovavano le tecnologie CAD/CAM dieci anni fa. Solo ora si comincia a risentire il valore commerciale di tali metodi. Negli ultimi anni, le imprese industriali che sono alla vanguardia nella produzione di certi prodotti, cominciano a sperimentare una forte concorrenza che non è altre...

In the first part, the global economic crisis that began with the banking collapse of 2008 is attributed to the end of the system of money that dominated the last century, «national capitalism». This entails the break-up on «all-purpose money» or national monopoly currency and its replacement by a distributed global network of financial agencies issuing  specialized monetary instruments in many forms. The political challenge is to devise forms of government adequate to controlling money in this new form. But the old ideas persist to the detriment of finding effective solutions. The second part takes off from the recent publication of The Human Economy: A Citizen’s Guide (20100, an international collaboration that grew out of the «alter-globalization» movement. A human economy gives priority to what people really do and has the interests of humanity in mind. A programme for building a human economy in the current historical context is outlined; and the prospects for economic anthropology after the financial crisis are considered briefly in conclusion.

The emergence of distinct research on flight and forced migration occurred as a differentiation of a research area within the interdisciplinary and application-oriented field of migration research. A characteristic of migration research was and is the objective of influencing politics and the public and, in connection with this, a close connection to questions, premises and information needs of political institutions and actors. In the case of research on flight and forced migration, this is also associated with a high moral impetus in the sense of the expectation of helping to solve the serious humanitarian problems that become visible in the context of flight. This implies a tendency to narrow the focus of the research perspective to issues for which political relevance is assumed. In contrast, this paper develops reflections on the problems and perspectives of research that is not limited to the processing of political problem definitions and the response options preferred by them. The argumentation clarifies problems and perspectives of a research that is selfreflexive and oriented towards distinguishing normative convictions from scientific assertions. Against this background, it is argued that refugee research is confronted with questions that cannot be dealt with sufficiently in the context of a differentiated field of research and therefore a stronger connection to theories of society is proposed.

Post World War II economic history can be thought of as evolving within two distinct
political-economic regimes. The high growth Golden Age was based on socially or politically ‘embedded’ domestic markets, government responsibility for aggregate demand growth, and state control over cross-border economic activity. It lasted until the early 1970s, to be replaced, after a decade of turbulence, by the Neoliberal Regime, built on deregulation, liberalization, privatization, and ever-tighter global integration. The Neoliberal Regime took root in the 1980s and consolidated in the 1990s. It has now been in place long enough to permit a preliminary analysis and evaluation of its economic performance.

What is Africa's place in China's global geo-strategy, or does it have one? China's engagements with the continent have increased markedly in recent decades but does it occupy a central or peripheral role in China's grand strategy? Recently, there have been debates about whether China has such a strategy, but we argue that part of the confusion around these issues arises from the distinctive nature of that state and the forms of loose coordination it operationalizes. Rather than a strictly defined 'grand strategy', China has a grand, strategic-relational approach to its foreign policy or operates a relational geopolitical code which nonetheless reflects core interests. We bring this perspective to bear on Africa's evolving positionality in China's global geostrategic engagements in order to evaluate its significance.

This study examines the impact of corruption on economic policies and development in Nigeria, with a particular focus on leadership accountability from 1960 to 2024. Despite Nigeria's vast resources and economic potential, corruption has significantly undermined economic growth, weakened policy implementation, and diminished public trust in governance. Using a historical and analytical approach, this research traces the evolution of corruption in Nigerian leadership, analyzing how various administrations have contributed to or combated corrupt practices. By examining key economic policies and development programs, the study explores the extent to which corruption has distorted economic objectives, inhibited foreign investment, and led to uneven wealth distribution. Through qualitative and quantitative data, this analysis reveals the structural challenges posed by corruption and highlights instances where accountability mechanisms have succeeded or failed. The findings underscore the urgent need for stronger institutional reforms, transparent governance, and effective policy enforcement to foster sustainable development and economic stability in Nigeria.

Historians of Vietnam are indebted to Olga Dror and Keith Taylor for making far more widely available these two fascinating accounts of the contending seventeenth-century states that existed in the northern and central regions of modern Vietnam. The texts are among the earliest direct observations of this time and place written in any European language, and doubly important because only a few indigenous primary sources survive from Tonkin from this era, and none at all from Cochinchina. While the first part of Borri’s text, as translated into the wonderfully robust and idiosyncratic English of 1633, was reprinted in 1970, my own failure to track down a copy of Baron’s account before now indicates the scarcity of copies of his description of Tonkin, the land of his birth and upbringing as the son of a Dutch East India Company employee. By using the complete 1704 English retranslation of Borri’s account, the editors have also for the first time made easily accessible in English its pr...

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LE 11 DÉCEMBRE 2001, la Chine entrait dans l'Organisation Internationale du Commerce, au terme de négociations qui auront duré quinze ans. Au lendemain de cette adhésion et à la veille du Seizième Congrès du Parti communiste chinois 1 , les observateurs s'interrogent : à présent que la Chine est partie intégrante du jeu économique mondial, qu'elle est pleinement entrée dans « l'ère de la mondialisation », quels défis économiques, sociaux et politiques va-t-elle avoir à affronter ? Son développement va-t-il se poursuivre sur la ligne affirmée depuis le démarrage de la politique « de réformes et d'ouverture » engagée en 1979, et accélérée après 1992, ou bien faut-il parier sur des ruptures et des turbulences ? Dans les milieux financiers et économiques internationaux, la question ne se posait guère il y a encore deux ans. La Chine était perçue comme un réservoir inépuisable, le nouveau moteur de l'économie mondiale, un marché qui ne pouvait que s'ouvrir, grandir et prospérer. La remar-

This paper addresses the question of whether growth convergence can be sustained in the global economy without compromising welfare and without causing major crises. It employs a simplified stock-flow analytical framework to examine the proposition that the pace and pattern of global growth is conditioned by 'under-consumption' in some regions of the world and 'overborrowing' in other regions. A baseline projection using the Cambridge-Alphametrics model (CAM) illustrates consequences of resumed global imbalances after the 2008-2009 crisis. An alternative scenario exemplifies the case in which China and India shift towards internal income redistribution and domestic demand orientated policies and suggests that this will not be sufficient to correct global imbalances or induce improved growth rates in other developing regions. Finally a more ambitious development perspective is simulated. Such a scenario requires internationally-coordinated policy efforts, with greater role for governments in the management of demand, income distribution and environmental sustainability, as well as measures to reduce instability of exchange rate and commodity markets.

Essence of FEPA FEPA (Foreign Extortion Prevention Act) explicitly prohibits foreign officials from: 1. Requesting, receiving, or agreeing to receive anything of value, whether directly or indirectly, for personal benefit or the advantage of others. 2. Acting with influence or official decisions to obtain specific advantages or privileges 3. Using cross-border communication systems, such as email or electronic transfers, to facilitate their actions

Against the backdrop of Mozambique's prolonged and bloody civil conflict, waged in South Africa's backyard at the twilight of the Cold War, allegations were raised in the midst of delicate peace talks that REN-AMO troops used chemical weapons (CW) in January 1992 against PRE-LIMO forces. An official, but flawed and inconclusive, UN inquiry into the CW allegations raises questions of policy, law, technical competence and political influence, casting doubt on the credibility of such investigative procedures and the efficacy of treaties designed to thwart the use of such weapons.

How do global trade rules evolve? When the EU revised the investment chapter of its recent trade deal with Canada it was understood that the amendments were motivated by domestic concern over the design of a di↵erent agreement, yet-to-be-completed, with the United States. Yet there is no formal link between these two agreements. This article argues that agreements create precedent that shapes subsequent negotiations, and policymakers act accordingly. Specifically, states sequence agreements, using negotiations with likeminded or relatively less important partners to establish model rules for subsequent use where negotiations will be more challenging. A two-stage regression analysis on PTA sequencing from 1965 to 2016 and qualitative probes from the UK and New Zealand support the argument. Legal language has a way of sticking around, and states know it. Accordingly, states sign agreements with an eye to the future.

Free trade agreements (FTAs) have become an essential part of the corporate effort to establish a global infrastructure suitable to its contemporary accumulation dynamics. Because they establish and reinforce patterns of economic activity that are destructive of majority interests, they should be opposed. This article scrutinizes one agreement: the Korea-U.S. FTA. It examines the motivations that led to its negotiation, the content of the agreement, and the arguments U.S. government officials and institutions have made in support of its ratification. It concludes with a critical evaluation of the efforts of U.S. and Korean opponents of its ratification and a call for a new organizing strategy.

. The Transformation of Corporate Governance Regulation in the European Union: From Harmonization to Marketization. Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

China’s extraordinary growth has led many to assume it will soon replace the US as the world hegemon. It is important to look beyond the headlines at structural power – namely security, finance, production and knowledge – to get a more accurate view of China’s potential and limitations as a global power.

Edited by the Kolleg-Forschergruppe "The Transformative Power of Europe" The KFG Working Paper Series serves to disseminate the research results of the Kolleg-Forschergruppe by making them available to a broader public. It means to enhance academic exchange as well as to strengthen and broaden existing basic research on internal and external diffusion processes in Europe and the European Union.

Ortaçað Avrupasý'nda kimi tarikatlar, yurtlarýndan-topraklarýndan bir nedenle kopmuþ insan sürülerini toplayýp 'dilenci ordularý' oluþturarak kentler, ülkeler arasýnda dolaþtýrýrlarmýþ. Fransiskenler, Dominikenler, Ebiyonitler, sadakayla, ianeyle geçinmenin Ýncil'in ruhuna en uygun yaþam biçimi olduðunu öðütlüyor, belki de bir bakýma, toprak köleliði ya da salgýn hastalýklar, savaþlar yüzünden ülkelerinden kaçmýþ milyonlarca insanýn bir bölümüne, bir tür 'istihdam' saðlamýþ oluyordu! Feodalitenin çözülmeye baþladýðý; ama henüz daðýlan onbinlerce kýr yoksulunun sonunun ne olacaðýnýn belli olmadýðý bu karanlýk dehþet döneminde, zaten baþka türlüsü çok olanaklý olmayan bir hayatý seçmiþ bu dilenci kitlelerine ya da bunlarýn durumunda olup da dilenmeden; ama gündelik iþler peþinde yarý aç dolaþanlara, 'iþsiz' denmezdi. O çaðda 'iþsizlik' kavramý yoktu çünkü. Ýþsizlik, iþçiliðin doðuþuyla baþladý. 'Emek-gücünü ücret karþýlýðý satma özgürlüðüne sahip insanlar', toprak köleliðinin sona erdiði, meta düzeyinde pazar iliþkilerinin ve bununla birlikte emek-gücünün de bir meta olarak 'serbest piyasa' da pazarlanabilir hale geldiði kapitalizm çaðýna özgü bir sýnýf olarak doðdu. Çünkü ayný anda, artýk yanýnda çalýþan insanlara, ekmek, tahýl, hayvan vermek, bunun karþýlýðýnda da onu ömür boyu topraða baðlamak yerine, çalýþtýðý süre için 'ücret' ödeyen birileri de ortaya çýktý. Emek-gücü, alýnýp satýlabilir, üzerinde pazarlýk yapýlabilir bir 'meta' haline ancak o zaman geldi... Sonralarý, artýk kapitalizmin 'sanayii kapitalizmi' halini almasýyla ve sanayiin emek emen bir canavar gibi kýr emekçilerinin milyonlarcasýna saldýrmaya baþlamasýyla, eski 'köle ticareti'ni aratmayan bir 'insan eti trafiði' baþladý. Ýþ bulamayanlar ise

Die Hochrüstung soll zum neuen Wirtschaftsmotor werdenwenn deutsche Autos weniger gefragt sind, setzt man eben auf Panzer.Thomas Imo/imago Deutschland stehen turbulente Zeiten bevor. Die Grundlage künftiger Regierungskrisen bilden die Umbrüche in der Grundstruktur der deutschen Wirtschaft und ihrer Wachstumsstrategien und Auswirkungen auf den Lebensstandard der lohnarbeitenden Bevölkerung. Das gesellschaftliche Klima war schon vor Corona-Krise und Ukrainekrieg nicht rosig. Aber bis 2020 war Deutschland bloß eine Abstiegsangstgesellschaft: Nicht reale Einkommensverluste, sondern die Angst vor Statusverlust dominierte und ließ viele rechts

On July 5, 2015, Greece held a referendum for deciding on the blackmailing proposal submitted by the Institutions of the Eurogroup on 25th of June 2015. On the threshold of the credit suffocation, the Greek people did not relent and they expressed through their vote (a percentage of 61, 31% and 3.558.450 votes) their objection; one more "NO" in their history, similar to this of 28th October of 1940. However, the Greek leaders flinched to express this "NO" using tangible policies even if the short term consequences would be painful. Instead, the foreign partners, allies and friends to Greece "which belongs to the West", still follow a strict austerity policy which has resulted in poverty of the majority of the Greek people, and in the stagflation. Igglesis Nikos, in his book "The Revolution of GREXIT: The Plan", makes an attempt to present in a detailed way what the Greek people decided…an alternative and sustainable solution.

The Great Recession has provided a natural experiment and data for which to test Keynesian theory as well reignited the debate of the effectiveness of stimulus policy during recessions. In response to the proposition of expansionary stimulus, proponents of austerity have cited recent studies purporting austerity to also be expansionary. This paper provides an overview of the theoretical underpinnings and merits of these policy choices and argues based on current trends in economic indicators that stimulus was the appropriate action given the specific circumstances of the Great Recession. A comparative analysis is conducted of trends in economic indicators for the United States, United Kingdom, and euro area to evaluate which policy was more effective. Findings of this research show that initial stimulus measures in the U.K. and euro area were insufficient and austerity policy prolonged their recession’s impact. Findings of this research also support the narrative that the larger and...

Turkey under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or AKP) is often labelled an emerging middle power, with a growing role and influence in world affairs. The Middle East and North Africa have been particularly important in showcasing Turkey's rising diplomatic and economic clout during the twenty-first century. This article evaluates the extent of Turkey's middle power activism in the Asia-Pacific region under the country's recently launched Asia Anew (Yeniden Asya) initiative. Based on an examination of official documents, statelevel contacts and trade statistics, the study argues that the Asia Anew initiative failed to bring substantial results in stretching Turkey's influence to East and Southeast Asia during its four years of implementation (2019-2023). Turkey's Asia Anew initiative was plagued by several setbacks, including the foreign ministry's ambiguous policymaking, as well as Turkey's limited economic leverage and soft power appeal in the Asia-Pacific region. Having remained a rhetorical tool, Ankara's own Asia pivot demonstrates the limitations of Turkey's middle power activism in the twenty-first century.

State spatial transformation is one of the key topics in contemporary human geography and social sciences more broadly. Its centrality as a research foci stems from the changing spatiality of the political economies of the world over the past decades. This paper discusses the changing spatiality of the Finnish state, and elaborates the recent transnationalization of spatial policies in particular.

JUAN-CRUZ ALLÍ TURREÍAS SUMARIO: I. Proemio: Guerra, historia y asimetría bélica. II. La situación geoestratégica y militar de Europa. 1. El antiguo y el actual modelo del Ejército. 2. Los imperativos de la seguridad compartida. 111. Las relaciones OTAN-UE y sus militares. 1. OTAN: Europa como un protectorado militar de los Estados Unidos de América. 2. La UE y sus fuerzas militares. 3. Las unidades militares multinacionales europeas: el Euroejército. 4. El modelo militar vigente y las unidades de «doble sombrero». IV. De las cuestiones jurídicas que suscita todo ello. 1. Cuestiones «constitucionales» del Euroejército. 2. Las fricciones jurídicas de los Ejércitos multinacionales. V. Reflexión final a modo de conclusión. ' G. PARKER, «Implacables y feroces. Cómo hacen la guerra los occidentales», en Historia ¡6 250 (n.° XXI), 3-77; no obstante puede examinarse más ampliamente su pensamiento en: La revolución militar. Las innovaciones militares y el apogeo

Capítulo 1 -Enquadramento das finanças internacionais 1.1. Evolução histórica do Sistema Monetário Internacional 1.2. O Sistema Monetário Europeu e o euro 1.3. Os mercados de capitais globais e a organização dos negócios internacionais Capítulo 2 -Mercado de câmbios

This paper provides the most comprehensive empirical study of the effectiveness of macroprudential instruments to date. Using data from 49 countries, the paper evaluates the effectiveness of macroprudential instruments in reducing systemic risk over time and across institutions and markets. The analysis suggests that many of the most frequently used instruments are effective in reducing pro-cyclicality and the effectiveness is sensitive to the type of shock facing the financial sector. Based on these findings, the paper identifies conditions under which macroprudential policy is most likely to be effective, as well as conditions under which it may have little impact.

This paper analyses authoritarian innovations in the industrial relations arena in Mexico since 2018. Historically, corporatist ties with union elites allowed the government to control labour at the workplace level and resist substantive labour reforms at the national level through 'ghost unions' and 'protection contracts'. Since the election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the left-oriented MORENA party, the government has implemented labour reforms and a reformed trade and investment treaty with the US and Canada that includes stronger labour provisions. These changes opened new possibilities for independent, democratic, and strong unionism and thus the potential for worker empowerment. Yet authoritarian innovations embedded in the national and regional reforms have limited labour's power. These meso-level mechanisms include: state bureaucratic control over union formation, collective bargaining and the right to strike; 2 state support for incumbent union control over worker voting processes; and exclusion of sectors from access to redress under an interstate trade and

Worker voice is a topic on which scholars and practitioners have written for well over a century, and the interest in the topic has only grown over time, particularly since the 1980s. Yet, what exactly is meant by ‘worker voice’? And when and why is it effective, and when is it not? This literature review seeks to provide answers to these questions. It does so through an exploration of scholarship from diverse fields, including sociology, economics, political science, history, industrial relations, labor studies, and business management. It provides a systematic overview of the topics discussed under the concept of “worker voice.” Cutting across our approach to the literature is an attempt not only to define worker voice and its components and explore its numerous manifestations, but also to understand outcomes. When do worker voice mechanisms result in concrete and significant changes in terms and conditions of employment?

Studies have addressed the motivations, organizations, social implications, public policies, scope, and effects of such worker participation in the employment relationship. Scholarly attention to the concept of “voice” gained prominence through the adaptation of the loyalty-voice-exit model that Albert Hirschman (1970) developed from observing consumer behavior in the mid-20th Century. Subsequent interpretations of the model considered both collective and individual channels of communication on employment relations. In employment relations, the most significant application of the Hirschman model was the book What do Unions Do? by Richard Freeman and James Medoff (1984), who find that where workers have a strong voice through trade unions, workers are less likely to quit. Simultaneously, accelerating international activity prompted greater attention to the contingent character of mechanisms through which workers exercise voice. The literature review first identifies contributions and debates chronologically. Secondly, it turns to evident themes. We find that this long knowledge-building process has highlighted that workers most effectively exercise voice when mechanisms are collective, democratic, inclusive, protected, enabling, and empowering. The third part of the review introduces cases of efforts toward effective worker voice mechanisms, which evince the challenges involved and are further explored in this project’s final report.

Le concept de souveraineté commence à changer de définition et de commentaire depuis la mise en scène de la conception westphalienne à cause de l'implication directe ou indirecte de la mondialisation. Certainement, la mondialisation ayant des effets constructifs et déconstructifs relatifs à sa perception, apporte-t-elle une nouvelle interprétation sur la pratique de la souveraineté possédée et présentée par l'État-nation. Ceci nous pousse également à avancer de nouveaux modèles dans le cadre de l'évaluation hiérarchique des acteurs de la scène internationale. Ainsi, il est évident que dépendamment de marge de manoeuvre des acteurs prenant leur force de la grandeur de leur autonomie et de leurs ressources, le droit de souveraineté s'utilise dans les limites consacrées à ces derniers.

Ayant quitté l'identité soviétique de l'Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques (URSS) mais ayant poursuit pour tenir son drapeau de la « realpolitik » (pragmatisme politique) et du « leadership », la Russie continue tout à fait à exister dans la région de l'Asie centrale constituée des républiques qui avaient obtenu leur indépendance après 1991 et qui se sont transformées en une identité d'état-nation tout étant éloignée de celle de soviétique. Dans le système international transformé de la conception bipolaire à celle d'unipolaire, même si la Russie avait toujours laissé les Etats-Unis capturer le leadership mondial, sa force continue encore contrairement en Asie centrale. Cependant, l'influence de cette force ne provient pas non seulement des puissances politiques et économiques de la Russie que cette dernière possède dans la région mais en même temps des dynamiques (influences) internes des républiques ex-soviétiques. Même aujourd'hui, les élites ou les établissements (institutions) de la région qui furent russifiés sous le nom de la soviétisation depuis 1917 donnent l'importance pour l'équilibre russe lors de l'établissement de leurs rapports avec les autres pays. Tandis que la Russie, employant très bien cet avantage a besoin de l'Asie centrale dans le cadre des intérêts communs visant à sa sécurité géopolitique et à son économie future, la structure des élites de pays de l'Asie centrale a également besoin de la garantie de la Russie. Aujourd'hui, les pays de l'Asie centrale se trouvent dans un état d'avoir obtenu leur indépendance nationale; cependant, nous devons savoir que l'indépendance ne signifie pas une pleine souveraineté telle qu'elle l'est.

In the last years, the institutional relationship between the European Union and Algeria has been strengthened, particularly based on the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement signed between those two interlocutors which, among other objectives, aims at the creation until 2017 of a Free Trade Area. This study intends to verify, using data on bilateral trade and foreign investment, if and in what extent, that reinforcement of European Union/Algeria institutional relations resulted in a strengthening of the economic and trade relations in the first five years of enforcement of the said agreement, that is between 2005 and 2010, especially having present that Algeria has requested in 2010 the review of the calendar of tariff dismantling envisaging the creation of the above mentioned Free Trade Area. The results obtained reveal, within the period under review, a smaller increase of trade volume comparing to precedent homologue periods and show a substantial reduction in Algerian surplus in the trade balance, due to a higher growth in the value of Algerian imports from the European Union than that of the exports. This appears to be due more to Algerian internal factors, such as an increase in domestic demand, on the one hand, and the existence of structural weaknesses in the economy, like the high dependency of exports from the hydrocarbon sector, on the other, than being a direct result of the referred tariff elimination. As regards Foreign Direct Investment, there has been between 2005-2010 significant growth in inward flows to Algeria from European Union.

This research examines the complex dynamics of proxy wars and militancy driven by the geopolitical rivalries between France and Russia in Africa. Focusing on conflict zones such as the Central African Republic, Mali, and Libya, it explores how these powers use local armed groups to secure strategic interests and access to resources. The study highlights the historical context of African nations as former colonies, particularly noting how dependent policy agreements with France maintain neocolonial ties. Through a comparative analysis of French and Russian military and political strategies, the research reveals significant impacts on regional stability and governance. It also addresses the humanitarian toll, including displacement and human rights abuses, and the economic damage from resource exploitation. The study underscores the greed of both nations for Africa's natural wealth, exacerbating conflicts and impeding development. Furthermore, the research evaluates international responses, focusing on the roles of the United Nations and the African Union in conflict mediation and peacekeeping. By providing a comprehensive analysis of these geopolitical maneuvers, the study aims to shed light on the broader implications for African security and development. It offers strategic policy recommendations to mitigate conflict, enhance stability, and promote sustainable peace, guiding policymakers, scholars, and international bodies in addressing the challenges posed by Franco-Russian rivalries.

The Arab Spring, heralded as a beacon of democratic promise in the tumultuous landscape of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), has instead unleashed a maelstrom of political upheaval, teetering on the knifeedge between democratization and the resurgence of authoritarian rule. This groundbreaking doctoral inquiry plunges headlong into the labyrinthine political dynamics unfurling in the wake of the Arab Spring, poised to disentangle the clandestine forces shaping divergent trajectories towards governance across the region. With an unyielding focus sharpened by a multidisciplinary arsenal drawn from the arsenal of political science, this study scrutinizes the geopolitical chessboard, dissects the socioeconomic fault lines, and exposes the ideological fault lines that have molded the contours of power in post-revolutionary MENA. Through an unwavering commitment to meticulous analysis and the judicious application of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, this research endeavors to forge a formidable understanding of the indelible imprints and seismic reverberations of the Arab Spring on the political landscape of the MENA region. Its ultimate quest: to furnish policymakers, scholars, and stakeholders with the indispensable insights necessary to navigate the treacherous waters of postrevolutionary politics in the Arab world.

This article aims to outline what in philosophical and political literature can be termed “authoritarian liberalism.” The primary focus is to highlight the similarities between the political and economic thought of Carl Schmitt and Friedrich Hayek. The crisis of Weimar social democracy was largely followed by attacks on the notion of representative parliamentary democracy itself. In this context, Schmitt—famously anti-parliamentary—relied on the concept of qualitative total state, distinguishing it from what he termed quantitative total state, which characterized the Weimar period. Additionally, Hayek partly constructed his notion of (limited) democracy using Schmittian categories, and ordoliberal thought did not hesitate to push its “social market economy,” starting from the apparent Schmittian paradox, from a strong state to a “free” economy.

Questo saggio si interroga sul senso del recupero del linguaggio del «totalitarismo sovietico» nella retorica presidenziale di Jimmy Carter a partire dalla seconda metà del 1978. Pur nel contesto di un’escalation verbale dai tratti largamente noti, si trattò di un cambiamento di registro significativo, che dopo una pausa quasi ventennale allineava il discorso presidenziale a quello dei conservatori e neo-conservatori che della denuncia del «totalitarismo sovietico» avevano continuato a fare una bandiera in aperta polemica con la «distensione». Dal canto loro, questi ultimi avrebbero presto attaccato il Presidente proprio con l’accusa di essere eccessivamente tenero con i regimi “totalitari” di Mosca e dei suoi alleati e, dopo la sconfitta di Carter alle elezioni del 1980, avrebbero spinto la retorica “anti-totalitaria” e anti-sovietica a nuove vette da membri dell’amministrazione repubblicana di Ronald Reagan. Indagare le origini e le implicazioni della scelta lessicale di Jimmy Carter permette quindi di mettere in luce un passaggio importante, non solo della storia della politica estera e della comunicazione politica di una specifica amministrazione, ma della più ampia storia culturale degli Stati Uniti.

This article builds on the burgeoning field of Psychoanalytic
Development Studies to argue for the need to dwell on the realm
of unconscious desire to explain people’s obstinate attraction to
capitalist modernity today, despite critique. It focuses on two
significant contemporary critical standpoints in development:
Neomarxist ‘Drain Theory’, which exposes new mechanisms of
imperialism resulting from the unevenness of globalized
production; and Decoloniality, which illuminates continuing
patterns of Western coloniality, advocating instead for a delinking
from them through a pluriversal localist politics. The article claims
that, in spite of their valuable critiques, both standpoints lack
insight into unconscious desire, the former selling short the
fetishism endemic to capitalism, the latter fetishizing questions of
authenticity that end up reproducing, rather than withdrawing
from, capitalist modernity. The article concludes by outlining
psychoanalytic options for a transformatory politics.

This article outlines a psychoanalytic political ecology that sees both nature and the subject as fundamentally ruptured, rendering it impossible to forge stable human-environmental relationships. It thus stands in opposition to those strands of political ecology (i.e., "environmentalism of the poor" and decolonial "futurality") that fall back on romanticized notions of reconciliation with nature-culture. Focusing on a case study from the Colombian Pacific, the article critically examines a politics of conservation that, by seeking a coherent nature in the same way that some variants of political ecology tend to do, ends up helping to reproduce capitalist accumulation, while also dispossessing and/or depoliticizing the subaltern. Instead, the article presents a (negative) psychoanalytic political ecology that is thoroughly politicized, one which seeks to address nature's absence rather than overlooking it, and one that emphasizes those most impacted by crisis and instability-the subaltern-rather than taking their struggles for granted.